New Government Appointed in Serbia, Political Crisis Still Looms
April 16, 2025
Following today’s parliamentary vote to appoint a new cabinet led by Prime Minister Đuro Macut, Aretera looks at what the change of government means for the ongoing political instability in Serbia. While the new government fulfils constitutional obligations, it does not resolve the broader grievances of students and citizens that have been protesting for over five months. Our analysis below unpacks the composition of the cabinet, the rationale behind Macut’s appointment, and why snap elections still remain a likely outcome.
On April 16, the Serbian Parliament approved the formation of a new government led by Đuro Macut, formally ending the resignation period of the previous government just two days before the legal deadline. The move comes as a procedural response to the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević’s government, which Aretera wrote about in January, following waves of student-led protests. However, despite the new appointments, the move will likely not be a long-term political solution to the unprecedented crisis facing President Aleksandar Vučić.
SERBIA'S NEW PRIME MINISTER: DR ĐURO MACUT
Macut’s nomination came on April 6 and was met with surprise. A medical professional by training, he is a practising endocrinologist and a full professor at the University of Belgrade. Until recently, Macut had no political background. In fact, his first public appearance on the political stage came in January, when he spoke at a ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) rally. Later he became a member of the initiative committee of the soon-to-be-launched Movement for the People and the State – a political project initiated by President Vučić and widely viewed as the successor to SNS, whose popular legitimacy has significantly eroded.
Macut’s appointment appears designed to offer an image of neutrality and expertise. A respected professional with no known political baggage, he fits the profile of a figure who could appeal to a broader, increasingly antipolitical public. But despite that positioning, Macut lacks political experience and an independent power base. His appointment does little to alter the overall power dynamics. President Vučić remains the central political actor, and the new government is expected to function largely under his direction.
NEW GOVERNMENT FORMATION
The newly appointed government includes a total of 30 ministers, five of them without portfolio. Several high-profile incumbents have remained in place, including Siniša Mali (Finance), Ivica Dačić (Interior), Bratislav Gašić (Defence), Dubravka Đedović Handanović (Mining and Energy), Marko Đurić (Foreign Affairs), Zlatibor Lončar (Health), and Nemanja Starović, who will now head the Ministry for European Integration. The Ministry of Labor will be headed by the controversial leader of the ex-opposition, far-right Oathkeepers party, Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski, who had joined the government last year to take charge of the Ministry of Family Welfare and Demography.
Alongside these established names, the new cabinet includes a number of figures without previous government experience, including Dejan Vuk Stanković (Education), Boris Bratina (Information and Telecommunications), and Sara Pavkov (Environmental Protection). Particularly interesting is the new Education Minister, one of the key departments in the context of ongoing student blockades, given Stanković’s earlier harsh rhetoric towards students and professors which could signal possible repressive measures against blockaded universities. Beyond this, these appointments seem intended to address the public demand for greater expertise in government, while also tapping into growing societal disillusionment with political elites. Although the composition of the government reflects an attempt to balance continuity and renewal, it remains to be seen whether it will hold over the long term. Moreover, there are no expectations for any meaningful policy changes, and the new government’s key priority remains preparation for EXPO 2027.
POLITICAL CRISIS REMAINS
The appointment came just days after the ruling coalition held a large rally in Belgrade, under the slogan “We will not give Serbia away.” Framed as a symbolic end to the “colour revolution,” the rally attempted to recast the narrative around months of student-led protests, though the turnout fell short of previous government-organized events. While the event was framed as a success by ruling party officials, the new Prime Minister was notably absent from the list of speakers – a sign that, while formally set to assume office, he is not necessarily positioned to take a leading political role.
At the same time, student-led protests continue. On March 15, up to half a million people gathered in Belgrade for what was by all accounts the largest protest in Serbia’s history, and one of the largest in Europe. The protest remained peaceful, but a suspected use of a sonic device during a 15-minute moment of silence caused widespread panic and led to a new wave of public outcry. Hundreds of people reported injuries. Government officials have categorically denied deploying any sonic weapon, but the incident has become a central point of contention. As such, students have adopted a new formal demand, calling for a full investigation into what occurred on March 15, with over 500,000 people signing a petition demanding a UN investigation.
Following the March 15 protest, the movement experienced a short drop in momentum. This was largely due to protest fatigue and poor weather, followed by increased repression, including arrests, police interviews, and open threats from top officials. Students and protesters are now entering a new phase, increasingly focused on political articulation. Various faculties have begun advocating for an expert government, while other actors are floating expert candidates that could be part of a future election ticket. Every public university and faculty across the country remains blockaded and, at time of writing, the national broadcaster (RTS) is also under blockade.
In parallel, the opposition is showing signs of regrouping. The local elections scheduled for June 8 in two towns (Zaječar and Kosjerić) will be an early test, both for the government’s resilience and for how much of the protest energy can be translated into institutional presence.
LOOKING AHEAD
In this context, the formation of a new government changes little. It appears that Serbia’s new government is shaped to meet procedural requirements but not to govern in the long-term. The underlying political crisis – one rooted in questions of popular legitimacy, representation, and public trust – remains unresolved.
Looking ahead, signals are pointing to snap elections. While no formal announcement has been made, the creation of this short-horizon cabinet suggests that preparations for a broader political reset may be underway. Given the trajectory of both the protest movement and the ruling coalition, both sides are gearing up for a campaign that could drastically alter Serbia’s political landscape for years to come.
On April 16, the Serbian Parliament approved the formation of a new government led by Đuro Macut, formally ending the resignation period of the previous government just two days before the legal deadline. The move comes as a procedural response to the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević’s government, which Aretera wrote about in January, following waves of student-led protests. However, despite the new appointments, the move will likely not be a long-term political solution to the unprecedented crisis facing President Aleksandar Vučić.
SERBIA'S NEW PRIME MINISTER: DR ĐURO MACUT
Macut’s nomination came on April 6 and was met with surprise. A medical professional by training, he is a practising endocrinologist and a full professor at the University of Belgrade. Until recently, Macut had no political background. In fact, his first public appearance on the political stage came in January, when he spoke at a ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) rally. Later he became a member of the initiative committee of the soon-to-be-launched Movement for the People and the State – a political project initiated by President Vučić and widely viewed as the successor to SNS, whose popular legitimacy has significantly eroded.
Macut’s appointment appears designed to offer an image of neutrality and expertise. A respected professional with no known political baggage, he fits the profile of a figure who could appeal to a broader, increasingly antipolitical public. But despite that positioning, Macut lacks political experience and an independent power base. His appointment does little to alter the overall power dynamics. President Vučić remains the central political actor, and the new government is expected to function largely under his direction.
NEW GOVERNMENT FORMATION
The newly appointed government includes a total of 30 ministers, five of them without portfolio. Several high-profile incumbents have remained in place, including Siniša Mali (Finance), Ivica Dačić (Interior), Bratislav Gašić (Defence), Dubravka Đedović Handanović (Mining and Energy), Marko Đurić (Foreign Affairs), Zlatibor Lončar (Health), and Nemanja Starović, who will now head the Ministry for European Integration. The Ministry of Labor will be headed by the controversial leader of the ex-opposition, far-right Oathkeepers party, Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski, who had joined the government last year to take charge of the Ministry of Family Welfare and Demography.
Alongside these established names, the new cabinet includes a number of figures without previous government experience, including Dejan Vuk Stanković (Education), Boris Bratina (Information and Telecommunications), and Sara Pavkov (Environmental Protection). Particularly interesting is the new Education Minister, one of the key departments in the context of ongoing student blockades, given Stanković’s earlier harsh rhetoric towards students and professors which could signal possible repressive measures against blockaded universities. Beyond this, these appointments seem intended to address the public demand for greater expertise in government, while also tapping into growing societal disillusionment with political elites. Although the composition of the government reflects an attempt to balance continuity and renewal, it remains to be seen whether it will hold over the long term. Moreover, there are no expectations for any meaningful policy changes, and the new government’s key priority remains preparation for EXPO 2027.
POLITICAL CRISIS REMAINS
The appointment came just days after the ruling coalition held a large rally in Belgrade, under the slogan “We will not give Serbia away.” Framed as a symbolic end to the “colour revolution,” the rally attempted to recast the narrative around months of student-led protests, though the turnout fell short of previous government-organized events. While the event was framed as a success by ruling party officials, the new Prime Minister was notably absent from the list of speakers – a sign that, while formally set to assume office, he is not necessarily positioned to take a leading political role.
At the same time, student-led protests continue. On March 15, up to half a million people gathered in Belgrade for what was by all accounts the largest protest in Serbia’s history, and one of the largest in Europe. The protest remained peaceful, but a suspected use of a sonic device during a 15-minute moment of silence caused widespread panic and led to a new wave of public outcry. Hundreds of people reported injuries. Government officials have categorically denied deploying any sonic weapon, but the incident has become a central point of contention. As such, students have adopted a new formal demand, calling for a full investigation into what occurred on March 15, with over 500,000 people signing a petition demanding a UN investigation.
Following the March 15 protest, the movement experienced a short drop in momentum. This was largely due to protest fatigue and poor weather, followed by increased repression, including arrests, police interviews, and open threats from top officials. Students and protesters are now entering a new phase, increasingly focused on political articulation. Various faculties have begun advocating for an expert government, while other actors are floating expert candidates that could be part of a future election ticket. Every public university and faculty across the country remains blockaded and, at time of writing, the national broadcaster (RTS) is also under blockade.
In parallel, the opposition is showing signs of regrouping. The local elections scheduled for June 8 in two towns (Zaječar and Kosjerić) will be an early test, both for the government’s resilience and for how much of the protest energy can be translated into institutional presence.
LOOKING AHEAD
In this context, the formation of a new government changes little. It appears that Serbia’s new government is shaped to meet procedural requirements but not to govern in the long-term. The underlying political crisis – one rooted in questions of popular legitimacy, representation, and public trust – remains unresolved.
Looking ahead, signals are pointing to snap elections. While no formal announcement has been made, the creation of this short-horizon cabinet suggests that preparations for a broader political reset may be underway. Given the trajectory of both the protest movement and the ruling coalition, both sides are gearing up for a campaign that could drastically alter Serbia’s political landscape for years to come.
If you would like to schedule a discussion of this paper, please contact:
Philip Merrell, Aretera’s Regional Director for Southeast Europe at P.Merrell@AreteraPA.com
Philip Merrell, Aretera’s Regional Director for Southeast Europe at P.Merrell@AreteraPA.com